Albinism is a genetic condition characterised by a lack of melanin production, resulting in distinctive features such as light skin, hair and eyes, which may cause visual impairment (Kromberg & Manga 2018). While the biological aspects of albinism are well documented, societal perceptions of the condition differ, as they are widely influenced by culture. Cultural perceptions of albinism may differ depending on historical, social, religious, cultural and environmental factors (Kajuri & Nyimbi 2020).

The prevalence of people living with albinism is estimated to be 1:17 000 worldwide, with sub-Saharan Africa accounting for 15 000 and South Africa accounting for 1:3900 (Kromberg & Kerr 2022). In 2006, the United Nations played a significant role in adopting the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD). The CRPD aims to protect and ensure that people with disabilities enjoy equal human rights and freedom (United Nations 2008). Although people living with albinism are a minority in South Africa, the constitution has ensured that their rights are not excluded; therefore, there is legislation for non-discrimination against people with disabilities (Mswela 2018). Mswela (2018) further noted that legislation such as the Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act, Employment Equity Act 19 and Labour Relations Act ensure that laws for people with disabilities are implemented and protected.

The recorded history of albinism (Hilton 2021) was confined to myths (Bradbury-Jones et al. 2018; Kromberg & Manga 2018) and beliefs, which either saw people living with albinism as a curse or a result of disrespecting the ancestors and therefore seen as a punishment (Taylor et al. 2021). As a result, people living with albinism are still seen as subhuman, with their rights disregarded and mistreated (Bradbury-Jones et al. 2018).

Dapi, Tambe and Monebenimp (2018) emphasised in their work that people with albinism are prone to experiencing attacks and prejudice. There are harmful myths that suggest that sleeping with a person with albinism can bring them luck and that mutilating them can make one rich (Daklo & Obadire 2024). These myths and attacks, according to Masanja, Imori and Kaudunde (2020a), stem from a lack of knowledge and negative attitudes towards albinism among people with lower literacy levels. However, other gruesome acts recorded towards people living with albinism have been committed by educated people, as was the case in Witbank, South Africa, in 2018, where the perpetrator was a schoolteacher (Njilo 2019).

African countries, through the African Union, adopted the Regional Action Plan in 2019 to reduce brutality against people with albinism and promote inclusivity (Ero et al. 2021). According to the Legal and Human Rights report (2019), in Tanzania, the Regional Action Plan has enabled countries to put the spotlight on the challenges people with albinism face and therefore enabled them to establish stricter laws against perpetrators who attack people with albinism. This Regional Action Plan has been adopted in South Africa, leading to increased awareness and advocacy; however, more can still be done to ensure the safety and security of people with albinism. Several studies have investigated the challenges and experiences of people with albinism in Africa; however, limited research has focused on the perceptions of community members in Africa. Therefore, this review seeks to synthesise the available literature regarding community members’ perceptions towards children with albinism in Africa by searching published and grey literature.

An integrative review is a comprehensive methodological approach that combines data from theoretical and empirical literature (Souza, Silva & Carvalho 2010:103) to determine what is known about the subject matter to generate a new perspective and framework (Russell 2005). This review utilised the Whittemore and Knafl (2005) approach, which uses five steps to review the literature: problem identification, literature search and data collection, data evaluation, data analysis and presentation of findings. Figure 1 illustrates the steps followed in this study.

The results of this review are presented in a narrative format. The review resulted in two main themes: cultural and social perceptions. Table 2 illustrates the themes and sub-themes prevalent in the literature evaluation. The following is an outline of each of these themes and their corresponding sub-themes.

This review aimed to synthesise the existing literature on community perceptions of children with albinism. The review findings indicated that community perceptions are culturally informed; therefore, cultural beliefs, mythology and superstitions, discrimination and stigma and lack of knowledge will be examined.

The studies included in this review were conducted in Africa; therefore, African cultural beliefs play an important role in shaping their thinking and how they see the world around them (Ned 2022). Lukalo and Maseno (2025) found that Africans have a negative view of disability; as a result, a child born with a disability is seen as a curse. This view is supported by Imafidon (2017), who identified that African ontology isolates those with unusual natures and therefore treats them differently. Therefore, this view provides evidence of the complexities within which children born with disabilities find themselves. The belief that people with albinism have superpowers indicates the cultural significance attributed to their existence by communities, as it suggests that they possess unique powers. This perspective may seem positive; however, Imafidon (2017) expressed that it poses a threat as it reduces their being to their ‘sacredness’ and not being accepted and appreciated as human beings who have their own identities. These views often lead to people with albinism being marginalised out of fear by communities.

In African culture, names given to children are influenced by the family’s circumstances, including albinism. By framing their birth in terms of cultural stereotypes and shame, communities reinforce harmful stereotypes (Moasun & Mfoafo-M’Carthy 2021), making it difficult for them to be accepted by communities. This was supported by Steyn (2022:13), who sought to examine the reasons and causes of prejudice and the consequences of negative designations that stigmatise and victimise people with a form of albinism. The study explained that derogatory nicknames were used to define skin colour such as being called ‘Ghost’ or ‘Inkawo’ in Isixhosa. This can lead to psychological and social implications for people with albinism, leading to isolation. Cultural beliefs and practices against children with albinism violate their human rights; therefore, addressing these beliefs is important to ensure an inclusive environment for them.

Myths influence perceptions and, ultimately, how children with albinism are treated in different cultures. In certain communities, albinism is viewed through the lens of mythical beliefs, where people with albinism are seen as spirit mediums, possessing a level of spiritual power. Daklo and Obadire (2024) acknowledged that, though myths may cause the community to have a sense of reverence towards people with albinism as they are seen as gods assigning a ‘higher’ level of social standing to children with albinism, they simultaneously reinforce their marginalisation.

Superstitions also contribute to the growing misconceptions, as communities believe that people with albinism do not die. According to Aborisade (2021), the belief that children with albinism possess magical powers can lead to violence and, at times, death, as they are easy targets (Mswela 2017). Kajuri and Nyimbi (2019) explained that the belief that people with albinism can bring wealth and health is solely dependent on a person with albinism being mutilated or being sexually violated to cure the perpetrator from an ailment. This indicates a deep-rooted problem and the acceptability of violence motivated by cultural beliefs.

The people with albinism report by Ero et al. (2021) found that children with albinism are discriminated against and stigmatised outside and inside of school, creating a barrier to their development, social integration and well-being. Similarly, this was the case in a study by Brocco (2015), who found that they experience verbal abuse, whereby they are called names such as ‘mwari’ and ‘lekgowa’ and other derogatory names. These often increase the chances of bullying children with albinism. Ringson (2018:13) found that discrimination and stigmatisation take place in communities as there is no cohesion and therefore recommended the creation of a community-based protection model to protect children with albinism.

The right to accessible and inclusive education for children with albinism, as stipulated in the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG 2030), Goal 4, is violated by schools, as they are not willing to teach children with albinism in mainstream schools. Hammond (2020) found that teachers’ unwillingness to integrate children with albinism into mainstream education perpetuates a cycle of exclusion and indicates a systematic barrier they encounter. This was supported by Dapi et al. (2018) and Daklo and Obadire (2024), who further identified that discrimination and the stigmatisation of children with albinism, reflect the broader societal attitudes that marginalise them and foster feelings of inferiority, leading to bullying and negatively impacting their mental health. However, a thematic analysis by Alizadeh et al. (2024), which focused on psychological experiences and support resources for people with albinism, found that teachers served as a source of support for students with albinism. Although this view contradicts prior studies (Daklo & Obadire 2024; Dapi et al. 2018; Hammond 2020), it indicates that when teachers are well capacitated, they can support students with albinism and foster an inclusive environment.

A study by Kajuri and Nyimbi (2020) aimed at describing the impact of myths and superstitions for people with albinism in Tanzania found that the lack of sound knowledge, an information gap allowed misinformation, myths, superstitions and prejudice to thrive. This was supported by Imafidon (2022), who reiterated that lack of knowledge is created by different factors such as lack of epistemic access, the tendency to hold on to beliefs and the quest to defend and sustain them. Kajuri and Nyimbi (2020) further recommend that the community be educated on the medical and genetic causes of albinism. As a result of advancements and the availability of information, it can therefore be deduced that the greatest cause of the lack of knowledge is holding on to cultural traditions and ignorance. Stereotyping thrives when communities do not take it upon themselves to learn. The lack of knowledge, along with cultural beliefs related to albinism communities, may lead people to see people with albinism as threats and therefore lead to social exclusion, stigmatisation and even violence.

This review synthesised the existing literature on the perceptions of communities regarding children with albinism. The findings indicate that African culture and traditions influence how children with albinism are perceived. Cultural perceptions indicate how cultural beliefs, myths and superstitions perpetuate harm and violence towards children with albinism. Societal perceptions perpetuate discrimination, stigma, exclusion and violations of their fundamental human rights. Comprehensive educational initiatives, community outreach, advocacy efforts and the active involvement of community leaders aligned with the SDGs are required to address cultural and societal perceptions. This can be achieved by fostering awareness and understanding, and communities can work towards reducing stigma and discrimination, creating a supportive environment for people with albinism. Future research should focus on developing community-based protection models to ensure that children with albinism are raised in safe environments.